

However the court ultimately comes down on these bigger questions, one thing is now clear: North Dakota cannot compel patients to risk death before obtaining an emergency abortion. Fair McEvers, by contrast, wrote that the state constitution may guarantee “additional fundamental rights” beyond an abortion to preserve life or health, particularly to ensure that women enjoy “the same natural and inalienable rights as men.” These differing visions of the right at issue may decide the future of abortion in North Dakota. Tufte wrote that the right to a lifesaving abortion merely tracks the existing “right of self-defense.” Just as any person has a right to use lethal force to defend their life, Tufte explained, a patient has a right to terminate a pregnancy that threatens their life. In a separate concurrence to Thursday’s decision, Justice Jerod E. What Happened to That DeSantis–Newsom Debate?

Presumably, the ruling’s exact contours will be sussed out in future decisions.īrett Kavanaugh’s Whoopsie Forces Groundhog Day at the Supreme Courtīiden Is Taking a Step Toward Legalizing PotĪ Terrible Plan to Neutralize Trump Has Entranced the Legal World The opinion also points to medical journals published shortly after North Dakota’s statehood noting that being “mentally unfit” was a legitimate reason for an abortion, raising the possibility that mental health may sometimes justify termination today.

At a minimum, the ruling surely mandates great deference to a doctor’s judgment about when termination is necessary to preserve “health.” But it may also safeguard abortion rights more broadly. The ruling explicitly guarantees abortion access whenever it is “necessary to prevent severe, life altering damage”-but it also appears to go further: Jensen wrote that while “the legislature can regulate abortion, it must do so in a manner that is narrowly tailored to achieve the compelling interest.” (This standard is known as strict scrutiny.) This language suggests that all abortion restrictions, not only those that protect a patient’s life or health, must survive strict scrutiny.

Yet it kept the entire abortion ban on hold, allowing the lower court to determine precisely how much of the law should remain permanently blocked. Technically, Jensen’s decision found a right to abortion only to protect a patient’s life or health. The right is thus “deeply rooted in North Dakota’s history and culture,” a key component of “ordered liberty before, during, and at the time of statehood.”
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When the state classifies emergency abortions as de facto criminal unless proven otherwise, it deprives patients of “a right to enjoy and defend life and a right to pursue and obtain safety.” The chief justice backed up this conclusion by pointing out that North Dakota expressly permitted abortions to protect life or health in 1887, before it became a state, and preserved this exception in a series of statutes passed after its admission to the union in 1889. Jensen noted that the state constitution grants all residents the right “of enjoying and defending life and liberty” and “pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness.” These guarantees “implicitly include the right to obtain an abortion to preserve the woman’s life or health,” Jensen wrote. In his majority opinion, Chief Justice Jon J. The North Dakota Supreme Court took a different path.
